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Fire Consuming the House of Union. Understanding Extremism Driving the American Civil War
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- Nombre de pages271
- FormatePub
- ISBN978-3-565-40399-8
- EAN9783565403998
- Date de parution11/04/2026
- Protection num.pas de protection
- Taille1 Mo
- Infos supplémentairesepub
- ÉditeurEmphaloz Publishing House
Résumé
Civil wars are rarely started by moderates. The American conflict of 1861-1865 was shaped not by the exhausted compromisers who spent decades trying to hold the republic together, but by the men on both flanks who decided, each for their own reasons, that the centre could no longer hold - and that burning it down was preferable to reform.
On the Southern side, the Fire-Eaters formed the most consequential radical faction in antebellum American politics.
Not a unified party but a loosely aligned network of proslavery extremists - among them Edmund Ruffin, Robert Barnwell Rhett, and William Lowndes Yancey - they had been agitating for Southern secession and independent nationhood since the 1840s, long before the crisis of 1860 gave them the opening they required. Their genius was strategic rather than military: they understood that moderate Northern antislavery sentiment, left alone, would never force a confrontation, but that a sequence of manufactured crises - Bleeding Kansas, the caning of Senator Charles Sumner, the spectre of John Brown's raids - could transform Southern anxiety into a demand for separation.
Yancey personally engineered the walkout at the 1860 Charleston Democratic convention that shattered the party and guaranteed Lincoln's electoral victory without a single Southern state. Louis T. Wigfall then actively encouraged the attack on Fort Sumter, calculating that it would force the Upper South off the fence and into the Confederacy - a calculation that proved precisely correct.
Not a unified party but a loosely aligned network of proslavery extremists - among them Edmund Ruffin, Robert Barnwell Rhett, and William Lowndes Yancey - they had been agitating for Southern secession and independent nationhood since the 1840s, long before the crisis of 1860 gave them the opening they required. Their genius was strategic rather than military: they understood that moderate Northern antislavery sentiment, left alone, would never force a confrontation, but that a sequence of manufactured crises - Bleeding Kansas, the caning of Senator Charles Sumner, the spectre of John Brown's raids - could transform Southern anxiety into a demand for separation.
Yancey personally engineered the walkout at the 1860 Charleston Democratic convention that shattered the party and guaranteed Lincoln's electoral victory without a single Southern state. Louis T. Wigfall then actively encouraged the attack on Fort Sumter, calculating that it would force the Upper South off the fence and into the Confederacy - a calculation that proved precisely correct.


















